By Aaron Kliegman\u00a0 Imagine the US telling the Iraqi government\u00a0that it had to share power with al Qaeda in Iraq\u00a0in 2006\u00a0\u2014\u00a0or with ISIS\u00a0in 2014. Then imagine the US telling the Iraqis they better make the situation work quickly or\u00a0American troops would leave.\u00a0 One doesn\u2019t\u00a0need\u00a0to support\u00a0our\u00a0military interventions\u00a0in Iraq to\u00a0see\u00a0that such a policy\u00a0would be immoral and ineffective, abandoning the Iraqi people to a horrible fate while empowering America\u2019s enemies to overtake a country with which Washington partnered for strategic reasons.\u00a0 Nonetheless, this is precisely what the US is doing in Afghanistan today: forcing the Afghan government into an untenable position while paving a road to victory for the Taliban.\u00a0\u00a0 Just read Secretary of State Antony\u00a0Blinken\u2019s\u00a0recent\u00a0letter\u00a0to Afghan President Ashraf Ghani. Outlining\u00a0the Biden administration\u2019s vision for achieving peace,\u00a0Blinken\u00a0implies that \u201cdisunity\u201d among Afghan officials could \u201csabotage\u201d the process. He then warns the US\u00a0is considering\u00a0withdrawing\u00a0all American forces\u00a0from Afghanistan\u00a0by May 1, even if the Taliban continues attacking Afghan forces.\u00a0 \u201cEven with the continuation of financial assistance from the United States to your forces after an American military withdrawal, I am concerned that the security situation will worsen and that the Taliban could make rapid territorial gains,\u201d\u00a0Blinken\u00a0writes. \u201cI am making this clear to you so that you understand the urgency of my tone regarding the collective work outlined in this letter.\u201d\u00a0 Blinken\u00a0puts the onus completely on the Afghan government to make concessions to the Taliban\u00a0and move the peace process forward\u00a0so that both sides can share power in Kabul, the Afghan capital.\u00a0 The Taliban can sit back and wage its war against the Afghan government, knowing Washington will pressure\u00a0Afghanistan\u2019s elected leaders diplomatically and politically.\u00a0 Yes, the Taliban is\u00a0supposed\u00a0to\u00a0do its part by reducing\u00a0attacks against\u00a0Afghan forces and civilians, but it\u2019s\u00a0actually\u00a0doing\u00a0the opposite\u00a0\u2014 without facing consequences.\u00a0 Gen. Scott Miller, head of American forces in Afghanistan, recently\u00a0told\u00a0Reuters,\u00a0\u201cTaliban violence is much higher than historical norms.\u201d\u00a0He was referring to the Taliban\u2019s unusually intense\u00a0fighting in the winter, which comes before the Islamist insurgents\u00a0typically\u00a0increase\u00a0the\u00a0violence during their spring offensive.\u00a0 Of course, the US, under both the\u00a0Trump and Biden administrations, has\u00a0ignored\u00a0such violations of the\u00a0US-Taliban peace\u00a0deal\u00a0signed\u00a0last February.\u00a0 Meanwhile,\u00a0Blinken\u2019s\u00a0State Department\u00a0refuses\u00a0to say the Afghan government is engaging constructively.\u00a0\u00a0 One can\u2019t help but wonder which side the Biden administration sees as its partner \u2014 the elected Afghan government or the anti-American jihadists trying to destroy that government.\u00a0 To make matters worse,\u00a0Zalmay\u00a0Khalilzad, the American special envoy for Afghanistan, has provided the Taliban and the Afghan government a draft of a\u00a0peace\u00a0plan\u00a0which may allow American forces to leave but will create a pre-9\/11 situation in Afghanistan\u00a0in the process.\u00a0 The plan calls for the current government to be replaced by an interim, transitional administration that shares power between Afghan leaders and the Taliban until Afghanistan establishes a new constitution and holds elections.\u00a0 As part of this arrangement, the Biden administration proposes the creation of a 15-member\u00a0Islamic council, to which the Taliban can appoint seven members. The council will provide \u201cIslamic guidance\u201d and \u201creview all draft laws, decrees,\u00a0and regulations prior to adoption to ensure compliance with the beliefs and provisions of Islam.\u201d\u00a0 Khalilzad\u00a0also\u00a0raises the prospect of suspending Afghanistan\u2019s parliament\u00a0while the transitional government is in power, with\u00a0legislative authority transferred to the\u00a0executive\u00a0administration.\u00a0 The\u00a0obvious\u00a0concerns here are\u00a0that the Islamic council\u00a0could\u00a0become\u00a0much\u00a0too powerful\u00a0and that those in control may never cede power and restore the parliament.\u00a0 Both are entirely possible, especially if the Taliban is allowed a seat at the head of the table in Kabul.\u00a0 Indeed, the Taliban currently controls or is contesting the\u00a0vast majority\u00a0of Afghan territory. The insurgency will only\u00a0expand\u00a0and strengthen, especially if the Taliban is emboldened by gaining political power despite \u2014 or perhaps because of \u2014 its military aggression.\u00a0 And if America leaves,\u00a0then how will Afghan forces stop Taliban fighters\u00a0without\u00a0the American military\u2019s\u00a0critical training and support?\u00a0 The blunt truth is the Taliban\u00a0seeks\u00a0the total domination of Afghanistan, which it seeks to turn into an Islamic state similar to what ISIS controlled in Iraq and Syria. The Taliban is supremacist,\u00a0fundamentalist, and totalitarian. Which is largely why the organization\u00a0still\u00a0maintains\u00a0close ties to al Qaeda.\u00a0 Until the leadership of al Qaeda publicly rescinds its pledge of allegiance to the leader of the Taliban, we must assume that\u00a0they\u00a0are allies, collaborating based on shared goals and values.\u00a0\u00a0 In short, the American\u00a0plan\u00a0subverts\u00a0the Afghan government\u00a0and\u00a0gives the Taliban\u00a0effective control of Afghanistan, which it would turn into an oppressive wasteland.\u00a0 President\u00a0Biden\u00a0and others in Washington may be content allowing Afghanistan to devolve into its pre-9\/11 state, but the American people should know the consequences.\u00a0 The problem isn\u2019t just that\u00a0it\u2019ll be tough to stomach the\u00a0Taliban marching\u00a0triumphantly through the streets of Kabul\u00a0and\u00a0throwing acid\u00a0in little girls\u2019 faces for trying to go to school.\u00a0The larger, strategic\u00a0problem is\u00a0that Afghanistan will once again become a playground for terrorists.\u00a0 Washington may not care, seeing this as the necessary cost of leaving Afghanistan.\u00a0Unless of course we\u00a0leave behind a situation that causes us to\u00a0return in a few years.\u00a0 Never mind: We wouldn\u2019t want to think of anything that could derail our glorious end to the forever wars. 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